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The fact that Worcester was chosen as the See
for the new Diocese (covering land in modern Worcestershire, Gloucestershire
and Warwickshire) is extremely significant since both Gloucester
(for its size) and Winchcombe (as the Hwiccian royal family seat)
might have made more suitable candidates, and this supports the
contention that there was a well established, and powerful, British
Christian community living on the site when the area fell under
Hwiccian control.
Bosel, the first Anglo-Saxon Bishop of Worcester, established his
minster church of St Peter (possibly a stone building) somewhere
on or near the site of the present Cathedral, within the defended
earthworks which had enclosed the late Roman and post-Roman settlement
- an area of c. 8 hectares (20 acres). While there is no archaeological
evidence for structures outside the earthwork defences until the
later part of the ninth century A.D., it is clear that the old Roman
roads and streets, and probably the bridge, were still in use during
this period. The silting up of the Diglis basin, which began in
late Roman times, would have rendered this area unusable as a major
harbour, and it is probably from this period that the foreshore
on the east bank becomes commercially valuable for mooring and storage
purposes.
A clear indication of the settlement’s religious
importance at this time, and the size of the rural parish its clerics
served, is the appearance by c. A.D. 721 of two further churches
nestling within the northern bound of the defended area - St Alban’s,
certainly, on Little Fish Street, and St Margaret’s, maybe, whose
existence somewhere in the area of Warmstry Slip has only recently
been identified. This large ecclesiastical community would have
provided the focus around which the settlement developed in the
eighth and ninth century, with the lay population primarily engaged
with activities serving the church. As the church and its increasingly
extensive rural estates prospered, so the lay community would have
benefited, and the role of the church in stimulating and supporting
commercial activity at this time cannot be overstated.
An example of the bishops’ economic wealth is shown by a charter
of c. A.D. 840 which documents the sale of rights over five places
in the west midlands to Bishop Heaberht by King Berhtwulf of Mercia
for six horses, a gold ring, a dish, two drinking horns and three
drinking vessels - the dish alone, probably silver, weighing eleven
pounds. This wealth would have been underpinned by the agricultural
produce and raw materials generated by their estates - for example
a charter of c. A.D. 716 records the church of Worcester holding
property in Droitwich which included six salt furnaces - with an
additional and considerable income from trade and commerce. Various
eighth and ninth century charters record the bishops’ extensive
dealings in London, including one c. A.D. 743 which freed Bishop
Mildred from paying tolls to King Aethelbald of Mercia on two ships.
Dating between A.D. 884 - 901, Worcester’s most famous Saxon charter
records:
‘At the request of Bishop Waerfirth, their friend, Ealdorman
Ethelred and Aethelflaed ordered the borough of Worcester to be
built for the protection of all the people...and they now make it
known, with the witness of God, in this Charter, that they will
grant to god and St. Peter, and to the Lord of that Church, half
of all the rights which belong to their lordship whether in the
market or the street, both within the fortifications and outside...except
that the wagon-shilling and load-penny at Droitwich go to the King
as they have always done. Otherwise, land-rent, the fine for fighting,
or theft, or dishonest trading, and the contribution to the borough
wall and all the (fines for) offences which admit compensation,
are to belong half to the Lord of the Church’.
Establishing Worcester as a fortified burh (a borough in the
post-conquest period), this charter marks a significant turning
point in the history and urban form of the settlement, establishing
the structure around which the later medieval town developed and
prospered - a structure which is still visible in today’s street
plan. While the references to a market, trade and an urban population
demonstrate that by this time the essentially religious settlement
of the seventh and eighth centuries had developed many of the characteristics
and problems of an urban centre (note the reference to fighting),
the construction of the burh would have provided the opportunity
for the Bishop of Worcester to regularise his powers over the lay
population, and his holdings within the settlement - while of course
conforming to King Alfred’s policy of fortification against the
Danes (the border with Danish held territory, the Danelaw established
in A.D. 886, running along Watling Street between Chester and London).
The defences constructed by Bishop Waerfirth extended between the
south side of Broad Street, in the north, and the southern end of
the river terrace, and probably incorporated the southern flank
of the settlement’s existing earthwork defences in this area. While
the line of the defences on the eastern flank of the town is uncertain,
they probably ran east along St Swithin’s Street before turning
south between the present New Street/Friar Street alignment and
the line of the later medieval city wall. The defences enclosed
an area of c.16 hectares (40 acres) and would have comprised a timber
and stone reveted earth bank with a steep sided ditch outside. The
bridge, between Newport Street and Tybridge Street, lay outside
the burh, although there may have been another (now lost), or at
least a ford, within it. While the old Roman roads to Droitwich
(through Lowesmoor) and Gloucester/London (through Sidbury) were
still in use at this time, with the Sidbury road at least having
an entrance into the south- eastern flank of the burh, the main
axial road along which the Roman town had developed was abandoned
in favour of the present High Street/ Foregate Street/ Tything alignment
(which may itself have been a surviving part of the Roman settlement’s
street system), indicating both the scale of the works and their
significance in influencing the layout of the later medieval town.
Analysis of Worcester’s reconstructed late medieval plan indicates
that the internal layout of the settlement initially comprised two
rectangular blocks of land either side of the High Street - extending
from the northern line of the old sixth/seventh century defences
(Pump Street/Copenhagen Street), which were probably levelled during
this period, up towards the northern wall of the new burh (to Bank
Street/ St Swithin’s Street). These blocks, initially divided into
four plots either side of the street (which would have been much
broader than that of today), would have contained a thriving market
place - although the early town would have looked more like a village,
with cattle and other goods being brought in from farms and estates
kept in large open plots containing a low density of buildings.
As the settlement prospered these large plots were sub-divided,
with development spreading southwards to link up with the Cathedral
Close (over the earlier settlement defences), westwards towards
Birdport (now part of Deansway) and the river, and eastwards up
to the line of the burh defences. While archaeological evidence
for this period is slight, evidence for bone/horn working and lime-burning
have been found along Deansway, while a corn-drier was discovered
outside the defences at Blackfriars. Pottery was being traded in
the city from as far away as Stafford and Stamford, and a lead striking
of a silver coin of King Aethelred (c. A.D.991-7), found on the
line of the old main Roman road at Blackfriars (which by this time
had been relegated to a muddy track) may have been a discarded token
used to pay tolls.
In A.D. 904, in return for their earlier favours, Bishop Waerfirth
gave Aethelred and Aethelflaed a parcel of land, a haga, in the
north-western part of the town, on the river between Copenhagen
Street, All Saints Church, and present day Deansway. While the haga
may have contained a royal residence, the value of the land lay
in its waterfront (for trade and warehousing), although it also
occupied a strategic position on the burh’s north-western gateway
(at the present juncture of Bridge Street, Broad Street and Deansway)
to which All Saints may have been the gate-church - note that the
central part of present day Deansway was originally called Birdport,
previously Bridport Strete whose derivation might be ‘the gate of
the Britons’. This gate overlooked the approach roads to the river-crossing
as well as a market place which survived, as All Hallows, until
the time of Henry VII (1485-1509) when it was moved to Angel Place
(the area was still referred to as the Beast Market, however, throughout
the 18th century).
As the population of the town increased, assessed at 1200 hides
in the 10th century Burghal Hideage (1 hide = 1 man) and probably
c. 2000 by the time of the Norman Conquest, so did the number of
churches. By the late 11th century All Saints, St Andrew’s (Deansway)
and St Swithin’s (St Swithin's Street) were all probably functioning
as churches (although none of their Saxon fabric survives) in addition
to the earlier established St Margaret’s, St Helen’s and St Alban’s,
while in the 960s Bishop Oswald (later St Oswald) replaced the secular
priests serving the Cathedral with a more formal monastic community
(Benedictines) for whom he built a new cathedral dedicated to Christ
and St Mary. Completed by A.D. 983, this new Cathedral functioned
alongside St Peters which survived as a building until the 11th
century after which nothing is heard of it. The site of St Mary’s
lies beneath the present Cathedral, and while the building itself
is no longer visible, walls in the cloisters and in the refectory
undercroft are probably surviving parts of the late Saxon monastic
complex.
Outside the burh walls, the church of St Martin (Trinity Street/
Cornmarket) was established just outside the gateway on the approach
road from Droitwich, while in the south-eastern suburb outside the
Sidbury gateway, lay the churches of St Peter the Great and St Godwald
(or Gudwal). While St Peter the Great survived as a church until
1976 (now part of the Royal Worcester site on King Street), St Godwald’s
never acquired parochial rights and in the 13th century became known
as St Wulstan's hospital (now the Commandery Civil War centre),
although Wulstan himself had nothing to do with the establishment
of this facility.
This period also sees the formalisation of the city’s various holdings
on the west bank, with charters witnessing the dealings of the Priory’s
estate at Wick, and with at least five houses being owned in the
area which later became the medieval suburb of St John’s. The church
of St Cuthbert at Lower Wick, adjacent to the river-crossing to
Great Malvern (on the present day site of Manor Farm, Malvern Road)
was probably established during this period, although the role of
parish church was taken over by the church of St John in Bedwardine
(in St John’s) during the later medieval period and St Cuthbert’s,
to which St John’s had originally been a cemetery chapel, was abandoned
- although the building itself was incorporated into a manorial
complex in the later medieval period, as a barn, and still survives
on the site today.
In the rural hinterland on the east bank of the river, the Saxon
bishops established their primary rural residence at Northwick (in
the parish of Claines, near to the Severn, where it remained until
the later medieval period when this was moved to Hartlebury Castle),
while charters show dealings in estates at Battenhall (St Peter
the Great’s parish) and possibly also at Lyppard (St Martin's parish).
At Warndon, the church of St Nicholas was probably founded during
this period (within the control of St Helen’s, note, not the Cathedral),
and later became incorporated within the site of an important medieval
manorial complex owned by the Beauchamp family (on the site of present
day Warndon Court Farm, adjacent to M5 Junction 6).
The picture of late Saxon Worcester is of a rich and thriving town,
with a well managed rural hinterland, and with an economy driven
by a mixture of trade and local manufacturing supported by taxes
levied on the river and road traffic passing through the settlement.
While the town seems to have prospered despite the Viking threat,
and raids are recorded in the southern part of the Severn Valley
in A.D. 893-4 and A.D. 917, Florence of Worcester (the monk John
of Worcester), writing in the 12th century tells how in A.D. 1041
the Danish King Harthacnut tried to raise taxes from the citizens
of Worcester who, outraged at the prospect, murdered the tax-collector
and nailed his skin to the cathedral door. In retaliation Harthacnut
sent a raiding party which arrived to find the citizens of Worcester
and the surrounding countryfolk had fled to Bevere Island (in the
Severn near Claines) where they ‘defended themselves vigorously
against their enemies’. The Danish raiders sacked the town, possibly
dismantling the northern part of the burh defences, and left.
By the time the Normans arrived, therefore, the foundations of the
later medieval town had been firmly laid, and although their arrival
heralded significant changes for the local population, the Saxon
character of the settlement and its buildings probably survived
well into the 13th century.
This period provides us with the earliest surviving Old English
name for Worcester - Weogornaceaster or Weogernaceaster (A.D. 691)
- with latinized versions such as Weogorna civitas (A.D. 691) and
castra Weogernensis (A.D. 736-7) also in use at this time.
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